Here I use these data to examine the continuity of social identity among the Lemhi Shoshoni. I explain the formation and the perpetuation of their social identity as a consequence of "ethnogenesis" during the historic era, a period of rapid culture change.
These two processes provide elucidation for clarifying and comprehending the emerging sociological identity of the Lemhi Shoshoni tribal nation.
For the Lemhi Shoshoni, societal changes during the postcontact period largely were determined by their involvement in changing political and economic relations with other societies, their geographical position, and their ability to respond within culturally prescribed limits to the conditions prevalent in their history.
The sociohistorical processes that operated in the ethnogenesis and the transformation of the Lemhi Shoshoni have parallels to the social processes described by Sharrock in her pioneering work about the Plains Assiniboine, Cree, and Ojibwa.
The ethnogenesis of the Lemhi Shoshoni, an ethnonym used primarily after 1855, is the result of complex historical and sociological processes involving the Agaidika (Salmon Eaters), Tukudeka (Sheep Eaters), and Kucundika (Eaters of Buffalo).
Historically, the Lemhi Shoshoni comprised five or more independent villages, isolated in the valley-mountain ranges north of the Idaho Snake River Plain.
Eventually, these populations resided together permanently, forming composite residence groups in which a new ethnic and sociological identification emerged--the Lemhi Shoshoni. (17) It is this social identity and political entity that the U.S.
All of these had important consequences for the Tukudeka, Agaidika, and the Kucundika Shoshoni, as they did for all native people living in the region.
Holding territory in a geographical location that was not immediately desired by Anglos, the Agaidika, Tukudeka, and Kucundika Shoshoni, along with a minority Bannock attracted little attention.
Although governmental interaction remained limited with the Salmon River Valley indigenous people, the growing hostilities further south between Anglo immigrants and the Pohogwe Shoshoni and Bannock required intervention.
The principle Shoshoni headman was Qai-tan-an, "Foul Hand." Under Qai-tan-an was Naw-ro-yawn, or "Snag." Snag was a nephew of Ca-me-ah-wait, the son of Sacajawea's other brother.
The mission's location, selected by Shoo-woo-koo, was the traditional meeting ground where an annual rendezvous was held each summer, attracting Nez Perce, various Shoshoni bands, Salish bands, and, sometimes, a band of Southern Piegan.
wanted houses to live in and hoped the Mormons would teach them to farm so they could live like white men." (37) Those Shoshoni under Snag and the minority Bannock under Shoo-woo-koo, who demonstrated a willingness to be instructed in the arts of civilization, were given grain and beef.
As a requisite for reaping any economic benefits, the Shoshoni and Bannock were instructed in Mormon doctrine.
Over the life of the settlement, about one hundred Shoshoni and Bannock professed to the Mormon faith, including Chief Snag.
